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Will we ever grow out of it?

We can’t achieve any sense of mutual agreement unless we are willing to talk – and openly – to one another about the issues that matter. By KARIM RASLAN, THE STAR I FIND my community’s hypersensitivity, especially over matters of faith and ethnicity, something very difficult to understand. Are we too ready to take offence where none may actually have been offered? Is intelligent, rational and thoughtful discussion on an admittedly sensitive subject necessarily an insult? Is there no place within our society for open discourse? Are difficult issues to remain locked away forever, even if the lives of ordinary Malaysians are negatively impacted? In the past, this sensitivity was linked to Malay fears about being outnumbered and sidelined in our homeland. Any negative reference to our religion, our race and our rulers was considered an insult because of the fragility of our hold on power. However, over the past 50 years, at least as far as I see it, Malay/Muslims have cemented their hold on power. There are now three majority Malay parties – Umno, PAS and PKR – representing a broad spectrum of the bangsa’s views. Let’s face it, Malays dominate the country’s public life. By dint of our sheer numbers alone – over 55% of the population – our influence is now undoubted and growing. As a community, we will not and cannot be dislodged from power. Nothing, and no one, is going to take away all that we have achieved after 50 years of Merdeka. And yet, despite this cultural, socio-political, Constitutional and demographic pre-eminence – our majority status and our growing confidence – so many prominent Malays still feel imperilled by unfolding events, often responding by invoking the spectre of social unrest and the ISA. The core tenets of Malay culture – magnanimity, courtesy, decency and reason – appear to have been discarded. What has happened to the gentle face of the Malay people? The berbudi-bahasa we used to pride ourselves in? On Aug 9, according to Internet news website Malaysiakini, as the Bar Council convened its forum On Conversion to Islam some 300 protesters gathered outside the headquarters demanding that the professional association stop proceedings. Succumbing to pressure, the Bar Council halted the forum soon after it commenced. According to news reports, there were protestors from the opposition – PKR and PAS – as well as from the pro-government side. An opposition politician who was present was reported to have said: “For us, this forum is merely (for) Islam bashing.” Given that the forum also included many prominent and respected Muslim non-governmental organisations, lawyers and academics such as Prof Dr Mehrun Siraj, Zainah Anwar and Latheffa Koya, the idea that they should be engaged in a bout of Islam bashing seems faintly ludicrous. Moreover, having known Bar Council president Datuk Ambiga Sreenivasan for well over 20 years, it is extremely unlikely that she would deliberately seek to besmirch Islam. As she says herself, a little chastened by the event (the petrol bombs thrown at Shahrizat Jalil’s residence were in fact intended for Ambiga who’d previously lived in the same house): “We only wanted to talk about the problemsbetween the syariah and the civil jurisdictions. “We wanted to address the issues for non-converting parties, the husbands and wives as well as the children of those who convert. “These are real situations and we can’t just ignore the problems that they are facing. Moreover, as lawyers we are tasked to help resolve these complex issues.” Frankly, the organisers of the forum may have been unwise in using the provocative title On Conversion to Islam when the real subject of discussion was legal conflicts arising from the conversion. Still the subject matter is very serious and demands greater attention and there are substantial legal implications for those who are married and have children. Given the seriousness and the impact on non-converting family members there is clearly a need for all Malaysians (and especially non-Muslims) to recognise and comprehend the potential consequences of conversion. Finally, you don’t learn about these issues by refusing to discuss them. They just become more impenetrable and impossible to resolve for real people. This is not the way to “explain” Islam to non-Muslim Malaysians. It does not make sense for us to bemoan their lack of “understanding” in the faith when Muslims here seem adamant that any discussion of it whatsoever is forbidden. Such hard-headedness makes a mockery of the moderation and open-mindedness of Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s Islam Hadhari approach. We should not forget the Islamic precepts to defend and protect the rights of minorities. Nonetheless, fear and anxiety, paranoia and insecurity lie at the heart of mainstream Malay politics. Leaders rise by fanning fear of the “other” and Malaysians have become desensitised to such politics. The presence of senior members from PKR and PAS as protestors at the forum shows that Umno isn’t alone in using these tactics. Bitter pill as it is, March 8 was not a step into a world free from the restrictive bonds of race and/or religion. However, even though these insecurities continue to haunt Malay politics, we can’t ignore the controversial issues that lie at the core of Malaysian public life. We can’t pretend that race, religion and discrimination are beyond discussion when they constitute such a large source of public controversy. We must also face up to the fact that the 1957 Merdeka consensus is breaking down. We have to work towards a new consensus. This agreement needs to be hammered out, and soon. Moreover, we can’t achieve any sense of mutual agreement unless we are willing to talk – and openly – to one another about the issues that matter. The Malaysian public is more educated, aware and assertive than ever before. They aren’t willing for their elites to make decisions on their behalf. Sweeping such issues under the carpet and intimidating people from discussing them just puts off the day of reckoning

Malaysia needs drastic decisions to reverse economic slowdown

Malaysia needs drastic decisions to reverse economic slowdown Posted by Super Admin Tuesday, 12 August 2008 12:42 (The Malaysian Insider) - Malaysia's newly-formed council of economic advisers met yesterday and reached a sober conclusion — that the slowing economy had the potential to be the most severe downturn in decades, worse than the 1997 Asian financial crisis. It also agreed that: • Clear and effective strategies to drive the economy must be introduced to lift the pall of pessimism currently enveloping the country. • Malaysia's dependence on foreign labour is not sustainable and wages must be allowed to rise. Council members noted that while the growth crunch 11 years ago was the result of a sharp spike in bad loans and lack of confidence in the banking sector, 2008's version was more complicated, a combination of slower growth, rising inflation, global economic turmoil and high crude oil prices. A council member told The Malaysian Insider: "We cannot export our way out of trouble this time because our main trading partners are also experiencing a slowdown. Ten years ago, we just had to keep the ringgit stable, clean up the non-performing loans and consolidate the financial sector. Now we will have to revisit some fundamental assumptions about the Malaysian economy. "One council member put it aptly, he said in 1997, we suffered a heart attack but today we have diabetes and a range of other diseases. The treatment has got to be effective. Otherwise, the complications will be severe.'' At the 3½-hour meeting, council members agreed that the country's low cost of labour model was no longer sustainable and that with 57 per cent of Malaysians earning below RM3,000 a month, the economy has to be restructured to allow wages to increase significantly. To allow wages to increase, the country's addiction to foreign labour has to be addressed. They also argued that the time had come for an honest appraisal of the affirmative action programme, with several members noting that the leakages in the system had made Malaysia uncompetitive and not well-positioned to cushion any economic downturn. The Malaysian Economic Council, headed by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, was formed by the government recently. Among its members are several ministers, senior civil servants, Bank Negara governor Tan Sri Zeti Akhtar Aziz and corporate figures including banker Datuk Nazir Razak, Datuk Azman Yahya, Datuk Andrew Sheng. A smaller group comprising the ministers and senior civil servants will meet every week while the full council will come together once a month. The council's formation was greeted with a mix of relief and cynicism. Relief that the government was finally willing to move outside its comfort zone to seek new growth strategies for Malaysia. Cynicism because the council appears unwieldy and includes several individuals who do not inspire confidence. At their first meeting, the members also realised that they were facing a dilemma: they knew that some drastic measures will need to be taken to overhaul the Malaysian economy but also had to contend with the fact that Malaysians have a low threshold for pain. "We are not like South Koreans who can take the pain of restructuring and lay-offs and come back stronger. Whatever the council recommends has to take into account that we don't have the stomach for drastic measures,'' said a government official, noting that this philosophy will have to followed in dealing with the overdependence on foreign labour. He noted that in the past, the government's moves' to slash the number of unskilled foreign labour was resisted by industry because it was too severe. "Workers would be repatriated, the construction industry would come to a halt and there would be a hail of appeals and the decision would be reversed. We will need a more thoughtful approach bearing in mind our low threshold for pain,” he said.

8 faktor BN tewas lawan Anwar K Raveendran Nair Aug 11, 08 4:04pm Bahagian I 'Malaysia Baru' Anwar pukau pengundiBerdasarkan senario semasa, BN berdepan dengan satu tentangan yang amat luar biasa dan peluang untuk menguasai kerusi tersebut amat sukar berdasarkan faktor-faktor berikut:Pertama, Umno sama ada di peringkat Permatang Pauh mahupun di peringkat negeri berada dalam keadaan yang amat lemah. Transformasi politik di peringkat negeri telah melemahkan kedudukan Umno Pulau Pinang dan sehingga kini masih belum pulih dan terus bergolak. Misalnya Umno Jelutong parah sehingga sumber berita menyatakan ahli-ahli cawangan meninggalkan parti untuk menyertai PKR. Begitu juga dengan bahagian-bahagian lain yang lemah dan mempunyai hubung kait dengan kelemahan dan perebutan kuasa dalaman yang sedang berlaku di peringkat persekutuan kesan daripada keputusan pilihanraya umum lepas. Transformasi kerajaan negeri daripada BN kepada Pakatan Rakyat telah menyebabkan punca pendapatan pemimpin-pemimpin Umno di peringkat bahagian tergendala. Pemimpin-pemimpin peringkat ini tidak lagi mempunyai apa-apa peranan dalam negeri - dan keadaan ini turut menyumbang kepada kelemahan pentadbiran peringkat bahagian. Berbeza sama sekali dengan Pakatan Rakyat yang semakin kukuh dari segi pengurusan organisasi.Kedua, faktor calon akan menyumbang kepada prestasi parti dalam pilihanraya kecil namun sehingga kini calon umno belum diumumkan. Malah tawaran diri untuk bertanding oleh Mohamad Ezam Mohd Nor telah ditolak oleh Umno Permatang Pauh. Manakala mufti Perlis walaupun ditawarkan untuk bertanding telah menolak. Calon tempatan bersesuaian, namun kemungkinan besar akan berlaku sabotaj di peringkat bahagian sendiri kerana sekiranya calon BN dari Umno menang, beliau akan menjadi pemimpin besar baik di peringkat bahagian mahupun persekutuan. Pemimpin bahagian yang tidak terpilih pula akan berusaha untuk menghalang kemenangan tersebut. Calon PKR iaitu Anwar sendiri dilihat sebagai seorang calon gergasi - berbanding keupayaan berpidato calon BN yang amat kurang dalam kalangan pemimpin BN buat ketika ini.Ketiga, keputusan kerajaan Persekutuan menangguhkan atau membatalkan beberapa projek mega yang dijanjikan kepada rakyat Pulau Pinang telah meningkatkan perasaan tidak berpuas hati di kalangan rakyat negeri. Walaupun perdana menteri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi sendiri anak negeri itu, tindakan kerajaan pimpinannya telah ditafsirkan sebagai satu keputusan politik untuk "membalas dendam". Perkara ini dijangka menjadi satu isu dan akan diinterpretasikan dalam bentuk undi. Kerajaan negeri, walaupun dikuasai oleh Pakatan Rakyat, namun masih terlalu awal untuk menilai keupayaan dan kebolehan pentadbiran. Pemimpin-pemimpin negeri akan mengadu bahawa kerajaan persekutuan menganaktirikan kerajaan negeri dan gagal memberikan bantuan sewajarnya walaupun rakyat Pulau Pinang turut menyumbang dari segi bayaran cukai.Keempat, kenaikan harga barang, petroleum dan situasi ekonomi yang tidak menentu juga turut menjadi isu. Walaupun pilihanraya umum telah berlalu, namun setakat ini kerajaan persekutuan masih belum bergerak dengan pantas kerana perebutan kuasa dalam Umno. Perebutan kuasa dan usaha-usaha berterusan untuk mengukuhkan kedudukan masing-masing dalam parti telah menghalang penumpuan dalam tugas-tugas kerajaan. Hasilnya, usaha-usaha untuk menangani kemelesetan ekonomi dan isu-isu yang mempunyai kepentingan rakyat terbantut. Keadaan ini menyebabkan taraf kehidupan rakyat semakin terancam dan terganggu. Ia akan menimbulkan ketidakpuasaan hati yang akan mendorong pemilih untuk tidak mengundi calon BN. Isu-isu projek mega yang gagal dan isu komisen akan turut berkumandang. Misalannya projek MRR2. Projek tersebut dibina dengan kos RM238 juta, kemudian baik pulihnya menelan lagi kos RM70juta dan kini lebuhraya jejambat itu kembali retak.Kelima, kes moral yang ditimbulkan semula mempunyai kesan timbal balas kepada parti pemerintah. Majoriti tidak bersetuju dan tidak percaya tuduhan terbaru terhadap Anwar. Kajian Merdeka Center membuktikan masyarakat tidak menerima tuduhan tersebut dan menganggap laporan polis ke atas Anwar satu konspirasi politik. Dalam situasi yang sedemikian, Umno sebenarnya terperangkap. Sekiranya tuduhan dikenakan ke atas Anwar sebelum tarikh penamaan calon, maka dunia akan melihat tindakan tersebut sebagai satu usaha kerajaan BN untuk menghalang beliau daripada kembali ke dalam arus perdana politik negara tetapi sekiranya Pejabat Peguam Negara berpendapat, tidak ada fakta untuk didakwa di mahkamah, maka dunia akan turut menyalahkan parti pemerintah kerana cuba membina kes palsu untuk menghalang kebangkitan Anwar. (Anwar telah dituduh di mahkamah atas tuduhan mengadakan hubungan seks luar tabii sehari selepas Suruhanjaya Pilihan Raya [SPR] mengumumkan tarikh 16-26 Ogos untuk pilihanraya kecil Permatang Pauh - editor)Keenam, tidak dilupakan juga pengundi Cina dan India. Gabungan dua kumpulan pemilih tersebut 17,826 undi yang merupakan satu jumlah yang agak besar. Dalam situasi sekarang, tidak keterlaluan sekiranya dinyatakan sebilangan besar daripada dua kumpulan masyarakat tersebut tidak akan mengundi parti pemerintah. Tahap ketidakpuasaan hati mereka lebih tinggi terhadap Umno daripada MCA atau MIC. Sikap pemimpin Umno yang celupar dan menghina kumpulan pengundi bukan Melayu dengan memanggil sebagai 'penderhaka' kerana mengundi pembangkang akan ditiupkan sebagai satu isu. Malah keengganan pemimpin MIC untuk menetapkan tarikh peralihan kuasa akan turut menjauhkan masyarakat India daripada MIC dan BN. Kedudukan MIC baik di peringkat negeri mahupun bahagian juga lemah. Kemasukan masyarakat Cina bersama PKR dan masalah dalaman MCA juga akan turut menyumbang undi pengundi cina kepada PKR. Manakala Gerakan dan PPP berada dalam situasi yang sangat lemah untuk memberikan apa-apa impak untuk memenangi hati pengundi.Ketujuh, Badan Bertindak Hak-hak Hindu (Hindraf) tetap merupakan satu kuasa politik masyarakat India yang akan membantutkan usaha untuk memenangi hati pengundi India. Keengganan kerajaan untuk membebaskan kelima-lima pemimpinnya ditafsirkan sebagai keengganan Umno, dan bukan keputusan BN. Anggapan ini muncul kerana kesemua komponen BN dari Semenanjung telah menggesa kerajaan agar membebaskan kelima-lima pemimpin Hindraf kecuali Umno. Anwar menjanjikan pembebasan kelima-lima pemimpin tersebut dan sudah tentu ia akan mempengaruhi minda pemilih India. Oleh yang demikian sudah tentu pengundi India akan melihat Umno dari perspektif negatif. Malah kedudukan dari segi jawatan kerajaan untuk masyarakat India bawah kerajaan Pakatan Rakyat lebih menonjol berbanding kerajaan persekutuan.Kelapan, walaupun BN masih mempunyai kelebihan kerana menguasai media, sumber kewangan dan jentera kerajaan, namun P44 bukanlah satu laluan mudah untuk dimenangi. Sekiranya kerajaan persekutuan membuat pelaburan secara besar-besaran seperti yang dilakukannya dalam pilihanraya Ijok atau menumpukan terlalu banyak masa untuk menonjolkan isu moral atau melaksanakan strategi serangan peribadi ke atas Dr Wan Azizah, ia akan mengundang lebih banyak tindak balas negatif daripada pemilih.Berdasarkan analisis ini, saya berpendapat Anwar akan memenangi kes beliau di "mahkamah rakyat" dengan kuasa majoriti sekurang-kurangnya 20,000 undi. Bagaimanapun tidak dinafikan kedua-dua pihak mempunyai kelebihan dan kekurangan masing-masing. Kedua-dua parti yang bertanding harus bekerja untuk memenangi hati rakyat. Sebarang kesilapan atau tindakan keterlaluan boleh menyebabkan kekalahan. Pendekatan bersopan wajar menjadi pegangan. Pilihanraya ini sebenarnya satu medan yang terbaik untuk penganalisis politik menjalankan kajian akan peranan kuasa rakyat.

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